Sullivan and Wilkinson on Analytical Nationalism
Andrew writes,
I fear that many of the decent ideas in the book are undermined by a Rovian agenda to bribe a demographic to vote Republican.
Note how the valence changes when we change “Rovian” to, say, “Disraelian.” Not that Disraelian is more appropriate in this instance. But the idea of expanding a political coalition through the embrace of substantive and not merely rhetorical policy shifts has a pretty long and storied history. And of course the shifts that we identify with Rove are generally fairly narrow, e.g., steel tariffs to secure votes in a particular region, rather than, “Let’s create a freer healthcare market through a combination of deregulation and transparency, and include redistribute to the relatively poor rather than the relatively affluent.” I mean, if that were Rovian, I’d certainly think better of things Rovian.
Briefly, I’ll add that Will Wilkinson makes some excellent points in this characteristically smart post. His harsh critique of analytical nationalism and conventional political categories, a reflection of his deeply-held radicalism idealism, is worth your time.
So, when Sullivan says I “tear into GNP,” I was in fact tearing into the whole genre of partisan political books, which is obviously a banging-head-against-wall sort of thing to do. The bit he quotes was a coda to a post that defended Grand New Party against the charge that it is irrelevant because the authors are too naive to see that the Republican Party is the sworn enemy of anyone without a yacht. Just so you know.
I have to assume that Will would have serious reservations about Michael Oakeshott’s important, decidedly idiosyncratic framework. I’d love to see him engage the Sullivanian worldview. Arguments from skepticism — a reflection of liberalism at his best, which Andrew has called the conservatism of doubt — clearly resonate with “conservative theory of incremental social change.” Yet there are many other aspects of the nationalist conservatism of the Thatcherite right, and even of present-day Obamacons, that I’m guessing Will would find objectionable, if not toxic. And if there is no real daylight between Sullivan and Wilkinson, I wonder what the former would make of the latter’s forceful critique of Ron Paul’s constitutional nationalism and the cult of national identity, etc.
Will Wilkinson, someone I like and admire very much, is a strong tonic!
Teddy Roosevelt had it about right:
“The man who loves other countries as much as his own stands on a level with the man who loves other women as much as he loves his own wife.”
— Chris · Jul 17, 05:26 PM · #
Reihan, you write, “But the idea of expanding a political coalition through the embrace of substantive and not merely rhetorical policy shifts has a pretty long and storied history.”
Exactly. At the risk of becoming a boor, or a pimp, or maybe a boorish pimp . . .
Andrew writes as if The Logic of Political Survival doesn’t exist. It’s a shame because this is one of the first political theories that predicts political outcomes in addition to characterizing them. The CIA has been all over Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, buying advice and prognostications from his company Mesquita & Roundell. You would think such an unusual scenario would grab the attention of people like Mr. Sullivan, who thinks about politics for a living.
If anything can save Andrew from himself, it’s Bueno de Mesquita’s diet tonic.
— JA · Jul 17, 06:53 PM · #
I’m reluctant to comment because while I’ve been following the TPMcafe discussion and some other sources I haven’t yet read GNP (finances are thin for a while; it’ll come). But Mr. Sullivan seems prone to a certain hyperbole and that post looks like a good example. I mean, inasmuch as “Rovean” means something distinct, especially in Sullivan’s usage, I’d say it refers to
1. Partisan political issues get precedence over policy issues; that is, whether or not one prefers a particular policy is secondary to whether or not embrace of it confers an electoral advantage and as such ideological consistency is secondary, and
2. No tactic nor smear too objectionable
and it seems unintelligent to apply those ideas to the Reihan/Ross weltanschauung, which is tightly policy-based and generally civil.
The chink in this, neatly described below by Matt Feeney and bitten at by Wilkinson, is I just don’t understand why a coherent set of policy prescriptions which isn’t really, at present, strongly endorsed by any large faction (of professional politicians) in either party, is being pitched as Republican, and the R&R’s somewhat mysterious choice to identify their agenda with the Republicans, and sell it as a prescription for electoral success (maybe necessary publishing tonic), seems where Sullivan links it up with #1 above. I keep tripping up on this point and maybe GNP will make it clear why its agenda is “republican.”
What I’m working under for the meanwhile are three assumptions. Firstly, that on balance the R/R agenda finds more politicians with whom its ideas are broadly harmonious, in the Republican party (Huckabee, Pawlenty and to some small extent McCain and Schwarzenegger spring to mind) — but it seems like you could call out a few Democrats there too so I’m not comfortable with that. Secondly, R&R and thinking about policy as a means to support institutions beloved to social conservatives traditionally in the Republican fold. Thirdly, R&R seem to buy itno something like, say, Tyler Cowen’s worldview on European social democracy/liberalism: as far as I read it, Cowen isn’t fond of the common conservative/libertarian view that the European model is doomed, doomed! but rather thinks it’s a perfectly fine realizable potentially prosperous way to run your state, and that there happens to be another perfectly fine prosperous American/libertarian model which he prefers, and which is better suited to our culture and people. In the same way my sense has been that R&R don’t see their policy ideas as necessary, in that there’s a different, more urban and state driven, less socially conservative policy agenda out there which is viable and informative and also electorally appealing (and which they dislike because they suspect it runs roughshod over the values and aspirations of a large set of Americans), and that set of ideas’ principal advocates are firmly aligned with the Democratic party, so, they end up pitching a set of solutions for Republicans because only Republicans are receptive to it (and are, besides, in need of some policy ideas).
But I’m far from sure that my understanding of Reihan’s understanding (I know, that you know, that I know, that you know … ) is correct.
— Sanjay · Jul 18, 09:19 AM · #